Archive for the ‘Women and Economics’ Category

Concerns about the draft American Recovery and Reinvestment Act

Tuesday, January 27th, 2009

Irasema Garza, President of Legal Momentum, writes:

Today the House Democrats unveiled the near-final version of the economic stimulus package known as the American Recovery and Reinvestment Act, with a vote expected as early as tomorrow. While it contains some powerful measures that will support women and families in these trying economic times, it came up short on two fronts.

First, the bill fails to ensure that women will benefit from the investment in infrastructure and the green economy, in that it avoids setting any types of targets for women’s participation in these heavily male-dominated fields.

Second, the American Recovery and Reinvestment Act was stripped this afternoon of provisions that would make contraceptives more affordable to working women and families. The move was a concession to House Republicans who had been complaining about the small $200 million subsidy, and it means that many low-income women and couples will struggle to afford the means to act responsibly with regard to their families and health. Playing politics with contraception only serves to hurt those who can least afford it.

Please contact your United States Representative and Senators today and:

  • Ask that the stimulus package include a concrete goal of 25 percent participation by women in infrastructure, green economy, and other non-traditional jobs
  • Demand that the stimulus package recognize that access to affordable contraception is key to women’s health and economic security, and ask them to reinstate funding for family planning for poor women.

Please call the U.S.Capitol switchboard at (202) 224-3121. Ask the operator to connect you to your Senators and Representative.

Interview with Lilly Ledbetter

Tuesday, January 27th, 2009

Via Womenstake.

Women, Foreclsoures and Sub Prime Loans

Friday, January 23rd, 2009

Philadelphia has a unique approach to helping homeowners avoid further predatory lending practices and foreclosure auctions, and Women’s Enews has the story.

A Minor Tax Victory for Non-Traditional Families

Monday, January 19th, 2009

In a non-precedential decision in Leonard v. Commissioner (T.C. Summary Opinion 2008-141) (full opinion here), the Tax Court permitted a pro se taxpayer to take dependency exemption deductions for the grandchildren of her “friend,” an adult woman with whom the taxpayer had been living for 11 years.  The taxpayer had furnished more than one-half of the cost of maintaining a joint household for herself, her “friend” and the friend’s two grandchildren.  

Ordinarily, the IRS would not permit a taxpayer to take a dependency exemption for an unrelated person’s grandchildren.  However, because the taxpayer’s “friend” was not required to file an income tax return, and did not file a return (her income was below the minimum threshold for filing), the Tax Court permitted the deductions by the taxpayer.  

The pro se taxpayer herself reported AGI of less than $30,000.  She took the case all the way to the Tax Court and won!

-Bridget Crawford

Kessler on “Getting Class”

Wednesday, January 14th, 2009

Laura Kessler (Utah) has posted to SSRN her working paper “Getting Class.”  Here is the abstract:

Gender-based economic inequality has been a longstanding concern of feminist legal theory, particularly as it affects middle-class women. Yet much legal feminist literature remains uninterested in class analysis. How, then, can a focus on class build on and add to feminist legal theory projects? This Essay is intended to initiate a conversation around that question, more than to provide fully formed theories, strategies, or answers. The first part of this Essay briefly provides some examples of insufficient attention to class in legal feminism and other left critical theories in law. The second part explores five possible strategies for overcoming this problem, taking an intersectional approach. I choose my examples from employment discrimination and family law, but the analysis may well apply to other areas. 

The full working paper is available here.

-Bridget Crawford

Susan Carle, “Short Notes on Teaching About the Micro-Politics of Class, with Examples from Torts and Employment Law Casebooks”

Sunday, January 4th, 2009

Abstract:
This short Essay explores several potential teaching moments in which one might raise issues concerning the micro-politics of socioeconomic class status. I discuss cases found in popular casebooks for three course areas in which I teach: torts, employment, and employment discrimination law. I show how analysis of dynamics related to socioeconomic class in discussing case outcomes can help expose assumptions about the naturalness or inevitability of the law’s withholding of dignity rights to persons of low socioeconomic status. Law can reinforce ideas that such subordination is natural to the workplace and market, when in fact those ideas are subject to potential challenge through law just as they are reinforced through it. I thus use case analysis to raise for classroom discussion the following question: Just as law can construct and enforce status hierarchies, might the notion of dignitary rights potentially be made to do positive work in law by disrupting the reinforcement of status hierarchies?

Downloadable here.

Bank of America “has an $8.4 million, seven-year contract with Michigan State giving it access to students’ names and addresses and use of the university’s logo. The more students who take the banks’ credit cards, the more money the university gets. Under certain circumstances, Michigan State even stands to receive more money if students carry a balance on these cards.”

Thursday, January 1st, 2009

And Michigan State is far from the only university to engage in this nefarious practice. I don’t know exactly what my own school’s practices are in this regard, but I’ve certainly seen credit card solicitations happening on campus. It’s sad and disturbing to think about colleges taking advantage of students in this way, while simultaneously raising tuition every year. In September commercial law expert Elizabeth Warren wrote at the Credit Slips blog:

I connect the the dots this way: First, the projected defaults for AmEx suggest that trouble is climbing the income ladder. Second, the projected defaults suggest that the economic news is going to get uglier in 2009. And, third, the credit card issuers’ plan to avoid complete collapse is to find more people to borrow money, presumably at prices high enough to offset the losses. And all three dots suggest the plan won’t work.

Credit card companies will often pressure parents to pay off the balances that their student children accumulate on university facilitated credit cards, often without their knowledge. They aggressively inform the parents that their children will face bleak futures if their credit ratings are poor, because they will be unable to buy cars, or rent apartments, or even to obtain employment because some employers run credit checks on prospective employees. I couldn’t do my job without a credit card. Hotels will not even make reservations for someone who does not have a credit card. When I travel for work, or to host people visiting the law school for professional reasons, I am usually required to front all expenses, and then wait to be reimbursed, which sometimes takes months. I think this phenomena is true for a lot of people, and the credit card companies energetically exploit it.

–Ann Bartow

Tonight on PBS – Emma Coleman Jordan deconstructs the bail outs

Friday, December 12th, 2008

Tonight on Bill Moyers Journal, at 9 pm ET, my colleague Emma Coleman Jordan will be featured in a segment on “deconstructing the bailout.”  Emma is a pre-eminent scholar on the intersection of law with economic and class issues, and has been doing a series of posts on this topic at blackprof.com.  If you’re out partying tonight and miss the show, you can catch it later on the PBS web page or via podcast (see above link).

 

Cross posted at hunter of justice

“Letter from Women’s Historians to President Elect Obama” asking for gender equity in the proposed economic stimulus package.

Friday, December 12th, 2008

Friends and colleagues,
Attached is a letter to President-elect Obama making a historical case for more attention to gender equity in the proposed stimulus package. It is based on a draft circulated by Linda Gordon with input from several others. We are sending it out to you now in the hope of gathering signatures from students of history–which we mean in the most inclusive sense. To sign on, please send an email with your name and affiliation to Alice O’Connor: aoconnor@history.ucsb.edu. Please respond NO LATER THAN 5pm (PST) Monday December 15. We plan to send the letter on Tuesday, and then to have it posted on appropriate websites. And DO forward to others.

With thanks in advance for your help,

Linda Gordon, New York University
Mimi Abramovitz, Hunter College
Rosalyn Baxandall, SUNY Old Westbury
Eileen Boris, UC Santa Barbara
Rosie Hunter
Alice Kessler-Harris, Columbia University
Alice O’Connor, UC Santa Barbara
Annelise Orleck, Dartmouth College
Sally Stein, UC Irvine

—————————

Dear President-elect Obama,

As students of American history, we are heartened by your commitment to a jobs stimulus program inspired by the New Deal and aimed at helping “Main Street.” We firmly believe that such a strategy not only helps the greatest number in our communities but goes a long way toward correcting longstanding national problems.

For all our admiration of FDR’s reform efforts, we must also point out that the New Deal’s jobs initiative was overwhelmingly directed toward skilled male and mainly white workers. This was a mistake in the 1930s and it is a far greater mistake in the 21st century economy, when so many families depend on women’s wages and when our nation is even more racially diverse.

We all know that our country’s infrastructure is literally rusting away. But our social infrastructure is equally important to a vibrant economy and livable society, and it too is crumbling. Investment in education and jobs in health and care work shores up our national welfare as well as our current and future productivity. Revitalizing the economy will require better and more widespread access to education to foster creative approaches and popular participation in responding to the many challenges we face.

As you wrestle with the country’s desperate need for universal health insurance, we know you are aware that along with improved access we need to prioritize expenditure on preventive health. We could train a corps of health educators to work in schools and malls and medical offices. As people live longer, the inadequacy of our systems of care for the disabled and elderly becomes ever more apparent. While medical research works against illness and disability, there is equal need for people doing the less noticed work of supervision, rehabilitation and personal care.

We are also concerned that if the stimulus package primarily emphasizes construction it is likely to reinforce existing gender inequities. Women today make up 46 percent of the labor force. Simple fairness requires creating that proportion of job opportunities for them. Some of this can and should be accomplished through training programs and other measures to help women enter traditionally male-occupied jobs. But it can also be accomplished by creating much-needed jobs in the vital sectors where women are now concentrated.

The most popular programs of the New Deal were its public jobs. They commanded respect in large part because the results were so visible: tens of thousands of new courthouses, firehouses, hospitals, and schools; massive investment in road-building, reforestation, water and sewage treatment, and other aspects of the nation’s physical plant–not to mention the monumental Golden Gate and Triborough Bridges, the Grand Coulee and Bonneville dams. But the construction emphasis discriminated against women. At best women were 18% of those hired and, like non-white men, got inferior jobs. While some of the well-educated obtained jobs through the small white-collar and renowned arts programs, the less well educated were put to work in sewing projects, often at busy work, and African American and Mexican American women were slotted into domestic service. This New Deal policy assumed that nearly all women had men to support them and underestimated the numbers of women who were supporting dependents.

Today most policy-makers recognize that the male-breadwinner-for-every-household assumption is outdated. Moreover, experts agree that, throughout the globe, making jobs and income available to women greatly improves family wellbeing. Most low-income women, like men, are eager to work, but the jobs available to them too often provide no sick leave, no health insurance, no pensions and, for mothers, pay less than the cost of child care. The part-time jobs that leave mothers adequate time to care for their children almost never provide these benefits.

Meanwhile the country needs a stronger social as well as physical infrastructure. Teachers, social workers, elder and child-care providers and attendants for disabled people are overwhelmed with the size of their classes and caseloads. We need more teachers and teachers’ aides, nurses and nurses’ aides, case workers, playground attendants, day-care workers, home care workers; we need more senior centers, after-school programs, athletic leagues, music and art lessons. These are not luxuries, although locality after locality has had to cut them. They are the investments that can make the U.S. economically competitive as we confront an increasingly dynamic global economy. Like physical infrastructure projects, these jobs-rich investments are, literally, ready to go.

A jobs-centered stimulus package to revitalize and “green” the economy needs to make caring work as important as construction work. We need to rebuild not only concrete and steel bridges but also human bridges, the social connections that create cohesive communities. We need a stimulus program that is maximally inclusive. History shows us that these concerns cannot be postponed until big business has returned to “normal.” We look to the new administration not just for recovery but for a more humane direction—and in the awareness that what happens in the first 100 days and in response to immediate need sets the framework for the longer haul of reform.

________________________________________________________
Via Knitting Clio and Historiann.

CFP: Women, Incarceration and Human Rights, February 27-28, Atlanta, GA

Thursday, December 11th, 2008

From the FLP mailbox, this notice of yet another great workshop being convened by Martha Fineman and the Feminism and Legal Theory Project at Emory Law School:

From 1995 – 2006, the number of incarcerated women in the United States increased 64 percent making the U.S. the leading country for the incarceration of women. Today, with well over 1.7 million women in prison, nearly half are mothers. Policy makers, activists, academics from diverse disciplines are searching for ways to understand the causes, costs, and consequences of hyper incarceration of women. Further, legal scholars are faced with the challenge of finding the most effective analytical lens through which to consider this relatively new social phenomenon.

The Feminism and Legal Theory (FLT) Project at Emory is convening a workshop to explore the issues facing incarcerated women, their children, familiesand communities. This workshop, offered in conjunction with Emory’s Race and Difference Initiative, highlights Rickie Solinger’s multimedia and photographic exhibits Interrupted Life and Beggars and Choosers, which will be in Emory’s Schatten Gallery during the workshop. The Solinger exhibits explore the intersection of race, class, and privilege as it relates to motherhood in the U.S. and the impact of incarceration on women and their families.

Issues that may be explored within the framework of the conference include, but are not limited to:

· How does the growing rate of incarceration of women in the U.S. and throughout the world relate to broader human rights and social justice concerns?

· How does incarceration affect women’s long-term health, employment, and housing prospects as well as their ability to maintain their relationships with their children, families and communities?

· In what ways have feminist legal theories addressed issues of punishment, retribution and redemption of incarcerated women?

· What are the vulnerabilities of incarcerated women, their children and their communities? How are these vulnerabilities connected to the exercise of rights inside prisons and in the community post-release? How can the vulnerabilities of incarcerated mothers and children be accounted for within a human rights framework?

· What are the experiences, rights and challenges faced by women incarcerated or detained in the U.S. but who are not U.S. citizens?

· How should scholars and policy makers address issues regarding the sexual and reproductive health of women in prison? How are incarcerated women’s sexual and reproductive rights linked to a broader social justice agenda?

· How should feminists approach issues of family connection and community integration as they affect incarcerated and formerly incarcerated women and mothers?

· To what extent do other aspects of identity contribute to incarcerated women’s experiences whether in the criminal justice context or while institutionalized?

· How should international movements focused on prison abolition and alternatives to incarceration take into consideration issues relating specifically to women and mothers?

· What are the insights gained from comparative analysis of the incarceration of women? How are the trends in women’s incarceration related to country-specific conditions and/or global transformations in systems of crime and justice?

Submission Procedures:

We welcome papers from all disciplines. Abstracts of 200- 300 words are due by December 22, 2008. Please email abstracts to Jan Sellem, Program Associate for the FLT Project: jan.sellem@emory.edu. Authors will be informed of acceptance of proposals by January 5, 2009.

Workshop Organizers are Martha L.A. Fineman (Emory University School of Law), Kristin Bumiller (Professor, Amherst College), Pamela D. Bridgewater (Washington College of Law).

-Bridget Crawford

Hip Hop, Capitalism, and Taking Back the Music

Tuesday, December 9th, 2008

I read with great interest Jonah Weiner’s recent Slate article decrying the absence of women in hip hop music. After providing a compelling (if not, in my opinion, entirely accurate) history of women in the genre, he explains the reasons for the disappearing act as follows:

For one thing, what most of the women mentioned above have in common is that their music rebuts and responds to guy-spun gender narratives. One effect of this is to make female rap seem second class, occurring outside the “real,” “primary” work of hip-hop canon building, even as it argues for first-class citizenship. When we hear the word rappers, we think of black males; they’re what feminists would call hip-hop’s unmarked category. This makes tough going for pretenders outside of this category, and it’s meant that many of the identities that female comers have carved for themselves.

I think that Mr. Weiner is onto something, but misses something even more fundamental, something that should be of interest to all feminists interested in the law. But more on that later. Before I proceed, I want to state that I am one of those feminists that believes in organic critique, that is, the idea that a person critiquing a cultural phenomenon should have some connection to that culture. Thus, I present my bona fides: I grew up with hip-hop – literally. One of the first songs of any genre that I remember from my childhood is “Rapper’s Delight” by the Sugar Hill Gang. The first song I ever learned the words to was “Rappin’ Duke.” I tried to walk around with untied Adidas until my mom made me stop. The first tape (yes, I said tape) that I bought with my own money was “Parents Just Don’t Understand.” I remember watching the very first episodes of Yo! MTV Raps and I remember racing home every day after school to watch them thereafter. I remember when a friend said, “I got a tape by this new group called NWA. You have to hear it.” I still know all the words to “Fight the Power.” So yes, I know a little something about hip hop. And of particular significance for this critique, I also happen to be an African American woman.

Weiner is correct that the development of hip hop has led to female rappers being reduced to beautiful, talented moons orbiting around their male counterparts. However, I believe that capitalism and sexism are very much to blame for this development.

How does capitalism come into play? What hip hop critics might not know that hip hoppers have known for some time is that rap was not always this way. Rap music used to have a rich diversity. You had some people that made party records, like LL Cool J, others, like KRS-ONE and Public Enemy, which educated while they entertained, some that made gangsta rap, some, like D.J. Jazzy Jeff and the Fresh Prince, that made us laugh, and some that just said whatever they felt. And that was the point – there was a time in hip hop where one could pretty much say anything. See, in the time period I am discussing, record labels still hadn’t figured out how to make money off of hip-hop. Because there was not yet any set formula, creativity reigned, and songs about anything and everything imaginable were made. That meant that all comers – including women – could find a place at the table.

But unfortunately, the industry eventually figured it out. The formula has become to take whatever rapper is popular at the moment, and have each rapper copy that person. Currently, the model is some version of a guy that has been shot multiple times, sold drugs, or been shot multiple times while selling drugs. The exceptions to this rule – such as Kanye West and Outkast – are dealt with by marketing them primarily as pop acts. For female emcees, it means no place at the table – the reservation has been cancelled. While hip hop has always celebrated the masculine, this new hypermasculinity is difficult for a female emcee to realistically portray. If 50 Cent gets shot nine times, it proves he’s not only a man, but a strong man, a really “REAL” man – almost a superman. If a woman gets shot nine times, it proves . . . what exactly? The fact that the question is so difficult to answer speaks volumes about how violent women and violent men are portrayed in our society. Male violence is tacitly accepted, almost encouraged, but female aggression is a no-no. Even black women, who are usually considered less ‘feminine” than their counterparts, will find it hard to pull out of that difficult binary. So, old stereotypes such as Lil Kim’s oversexed Jezebel are rehashed ad infinitum as a proxy for hypermasculinity. But it’s a poor facsimile.

In fact, the intersection of capitalism and sexism has had another interesting effect on women in hip hop. First, the sexism – As Weiner states, there have always been women in hip hop – first, as stand-alone acts, then, as the “kid sister” or apprentice to a male rapper. But now, women in rap are even further marginalized. The only women that one sees in rap videos these days (so I hear, as I refuse to watch anymore) are so called “video vixens,” scantily clad women whose sole purpose in her objectification is to serve the male gaze and narrative around her. So I ask: if the current iteration of hip hop is predicated on women being objects as opposed to subjects, and is predicated on removing any independent agency, where is the place for a woman to speak of her own authority – or at all?

Moreover, the capitalism plays a role in sustaining the “vixen” role, and not just in the usual “sex sells” fashion. The African American female form has been commodified for centuries. In the 1880s, Ms. Sarah Baartman was taken around the world and displayed as the “Hottentot Venus.” Her buttocks and genitalia were prominently displayed. She was an object of fascination and curiosity. There is a wonderful YouTube video essay that chronicles the relationship between Sarah Baartman and the young women in today’s videos better than my words ever could. The comparison is startling, but the politics are the same – the bodies of women of color are to be fetishized and objectified for any paying customer. Thus, I find it completely unsurprising that the female emcees that have any success in the current climate try to put their own spin on this narrative.

Women of color were and are a large part of the hip hop fans base. We are trying to “take back the music,” as Essence Magazine calls its campaign on the issue. But until the current keepers of the castle decide that this particular formula of hip hop has lost its flavor, women will continue to be further marginalized for the near – and perhaps distant – future.

–Nareissa Smith

“Exploiting People, Stereotypes Is Not Exactly Sexy”

Monday, December 8th, 2008

That’s the title of this post at Jezebel, in which blogger Megan Carpentier writes fairly critically about a “charity porn” initiative to “Save African Orphans” that seems pretty appalling at every level. I’m a little uncomfortable with the tone of the piece in some places, but at least she recognizes that there is a problem. The same topic is discussed more tentatively here at Sociological Images, which Megan links to.

Oddly, Megan seems determined to believe that porn made in the U.S. is consensual, as evidenced by this post, where she wrote:

It’s one thing to watch porn knowing that the women and men involved have made their choice to be in it. It’s another thing to watch porn starring female sex workers (or women avoiding prostitution) from a developing nation with few economic opportunities for women that might or might not be avoiding prostitution for fear of contracting HIV or because they already have.

She does not explain how she “knows” that the porn she watches features people who “have made their choice to be in it.” Using “made in the U.S.” as a marker of consent, if that is what she is doing, is factually wrong, and it ignores the racism and exploitation present in porn production here in this country, where we also have many poor people.  But at least she seems a bit more informed about the porn industry than she was when she wrote the post excerpted here. She also needs to watch this.

–Ann Bartow

Women, Men, Familes, Careers

Thursday, November 27th, 2008

Echidne has a really good, thoughtful post here.

Sheila Jeffreys, “The Industrial Vagina: The political economy of the global sex trade”

Friday, November 14th, 2008

From the publisher’s website:

The industrialization of prostitution and the sex trade has created a multibillion-dollar global market, involving millions of women, that makes a substantial contribution to national and global economies.

The Industrial Vagina examines how prostitution and other aspects of the sex industry have moved from being small-scale, clandestine, and socially despised practices to become very profitable legitimate market sectors that are being legalised and decriminalised by governments. Sheila Jeffreys demonstrates how prostitution has been globalized through an examination of:

  • the growth of pornography and its new global reach
  • the boom in adult shops, strip clubs and escort agencies
  • military prostitution and sexual violence in war
  • marriage and the mail order bride industry
  • the rise in sex tourism and trafficking in women.

She argues that through these practices women’s subordination has been outsourced and that states that legalise this industry are acting as pimps, enabling male buyers in countries in which women’s equality threatens male dominance, to buy access to the bodies of women from poor countries who are paid for their sexual subservience.

This major and provocative contribution is essential reading for all with an interest in feminist, gender and critical globalisation issues as well as students and scholars of international political economy.

The World Economic Forum has released its annual Global Gender Gap Report.

Wednesday, November 12th, 2008

From Jezebel:

The World Economic Forum has released its annual Global Gender Gap Report and everyone from Matthew Kirdahy at Forbes to Kate Pickert at Time to Laura MacInnis at Reuters are all over the unsurprising news that the Scandanavian countries do better than the U.S. at gender equity — and the surprising news is that the Philippines, Lesotho (pictured), Mozambique and Moldova do too.

Read more analysis about the strengths and weaknesses of the report via the internall inks above, and here.

–Ann Bartow

Joan MacLeod Heminway and Sarah White, “WANTED: Female Corporate Directors (A Review of Professor Douglas M. Branson’s No Seat at the Table)”

Friday, November 7th, 2008

Abstract:
In his 2007 book No Seat at the Table, Professor Douglas Branson aptly describes how patterns of male dominance inherent in the legal structures of corporate governance reproduce themselves again and again to keep women out of executive suites and boardrooms, and then he offers a practical way to break this cycle of dominance-through paradigm shifting. A central value of Professor Branson’s book derives from this thesis, as well as his use of nontraditional empirical data and interdisciplinary literature (in addition to more traditional decisional law and legal scholarship) to support the positions he takes. Moreover, No Seat at the Table is an invaluable resource because it collects in one volume varied research materials and related information at the intersection of women and corporate boards and because it offers further support for diversification of boards of directors as part of the overall effort to strengthen corporate governance practices and promote more productive, efficient, and trustworthy corporations.

This review is designed to explore these strengths-and a few related weaknesses-in Professor Branson’s approach. Specifically, the review highlights three key strengths of Professor Branson’s work: his thorough and useful report of 2001 and 2005 proxy data from public company filings with the U.S. Securities and Exchange Commission, his account of the effects of tokenism in the boardroom, and his analysis of the obstacles women face in climbing the rungs to the top of the corporate ladder. The review then evaluates the strengths and weaknesses of his proposed paradigm shifting as an effective way to procure female advancement to executive ranks and board positions. Finally, the review examines the potential shortcomings of Professor Branson’s observation and suggestion that the differences between men and women are inconsequential and should be minimized and, further, how these statements (when taken out of context) conflict with his efforts to keep women in the pipeline toward upper management.

Downloadable here!

WSJ Survey: “Women Lead in Cutting Spending”

Friday, October 31st, 2008

Well, freakin’ duh.

The survey findings didn’t surprise Manisha Thakor, author of “On My Own Two Feet,” a female-focused personal finance guide.

“[The spending cutback] is a very rational response,” she says. “Women live seven years longer than men. We earn less –79 cents on the dollar. We move in and out of the workforce. Women are more likely to be worried because we realize that we’re the ones holding the bag at the end of the day.”

Report by “Women’s Voices, Women Vote” – “The Disparate Impact of the Economic Crisis on Unmarried Women”

Wednesday, October 22nd, 2008

Income:

  • Unmarried women earn only 56 cents for every dollar that married men make. [Center for American Progress, 4/25/08]
  • According to analysis of data from the Panel Study of Income Dynamics for individuals 25 to 61 years old, female-headed households have twice the likelihood – 13.5% – of seeing a 50% greater drop in their income than male-headed households’ probability – 6.6% – of such a drop. The probability of a major income drop for female-headed households has risen in the last two recessions. [“Taking a Toll: The Effects of Recession on Women,” Prepared by the Majority Staff of the Committee on Health, Education, Labor and Pensions, 4/18/08]

Jobs

  • Single mothers’ unemployment rate rose from 6.7% in March 2007 to 7.1% in March 2008 – eclipsing the national average. [“Taking a Toll: The Effects of Recession on Women,” Prepared by the Majority Staff of the Committee on Health, Education, Labor and Pensions, 4/18/08]

Retirement Security:

  • Single women estimate needing a median amount of $500,000 by the time they reach retirement. However, more than one-third report that they have saved less than $25,000 for retirement, while only one in 10 report having saved more than $100,000. Only 69% of single women who work full-time report that their current employer offers them a 401(k) plan. Sixty-four percent of single women who work part-time have no retirement benefits offered to them by their employer. [Ninth Annual Transamerica Retirement Survey, 9/17/08]

Savings

  • Female-headed households are at a distinct disadvantage in recessions because they have fewer savings to draw upon. In an analysis by Harvard Professor Mariko Chang of the net worth of all unmarried women, he found that their median net worth was $12,900 – less than half the $26,850 for unmarried men. He found that the wage gap is the primary cause of this inequality of wealth – accounting for 39% of the disparity for never-married households and 18% of the disparity for divorced households. [“Taking a Toll: The Effects of Recession on Women,” Prepared by the Majority Staff of the Committee on Health, Education, Labor and Pensions, 4/18/08]

Bankruptcy:

  • Single women are the most likely demographic group to file for bankruptcy and comprise 40% of all bankruptcy filings. Single women with children are even more likely to file for bankruptcy, at an estimated rate of 21 out of every 1000 families. [Dunleavey, M.P. , “Seven Ways to Fight Off Bankruptcy,” MSN Money]

Poverty

  • More than half of all poor adult women – 54 percent – are single with no dependent children. Twenty-six percent of poor adult women are single women with dependent children [“The Straight Facts on Women in Poverty,” Center for American Progress, 10/08]

Housing:

  • About 43 percent of single women were using more than 30 percent of their income each month on housing payments, compared to the 30% of unmarried men and 25% of married couples who were spending more than 30 percent. [Joint Center on Housing at Harvard University]
  • Single women have been among the fastest-growing groups of homeowners in recent years. In Baltimore, single women accounted for 40% of home sales in 2006, twice the national average. Nearly half of these mortgages were subprime, according to the National Community Reinvestment. [New York Times, 1/15/08]

To download a PDF version of this report, Click Here.

Lawyers’ Salaries: Mommy Penalties, Daddy Bonuses, and Pure Gender Effects

Monday, October 20th, 2008

Even among highly educated professionals, there is a persistent difference in the salaries of men and women. Untangling the reasons for that difference is quite difficult, and it involves as a threshold matter trying to figure out whether there are factors other than gender that explain why women earn less than men. Some studies have suggested that the difference in salaries is not in the first instance about the gender of the worker but about the worker’s status as a parent or non-parent. Some empirical research, for example, has found that men with children earn more than everyone else in their fields but that there are no detectable differences among women with children, women without children, and men without children.

I recently finished a draft of a paper (available here) in which I looked at the results of two surveys of graduates of the University of Michigan Law School from the classes of 1970 through 1996. These surveys were developed by Richard Lempert, David Chambers, and Terry Adams, who used the data from the first survey to study the effects of race on lawyers’ careers in their fascinating article: “Michigan’s Minority Graduates in Practice: The River Runs Through Law School,” 25 L. & Soc. Inquiry 395 (2000). Professor Lempert and his co-authors administered a follow-up survey that gathered information about gender and parental status; and they allowed me to use their data for the empirical analysis summarized in my draft paper.

Most of my paper is focused on technical matters of survey techniques and econometric analysis. For those who find such matters tedious or worse, the most direct discussion of the statistical results is in the introduction and conclusion and on pp. 30-32. My tentative results confirm the “daddy bonus” that others’ have found in other studies, with the range of estimates suggesting a 15-20% salary advantage for fathers. Unlike previous studies, however, I also find a strong suggestion that women with children endure a “mommy penalty,” earning perhaps 10-15% less than the childless (and thus 25-35% less than fathers). I also find some weaker statistical support for the hypothesis that childless women earn less than childless men, with my estimates suggesting an 8-9% difference disfavoring women.

The wonderful thing about empirical research is that every interesting set of results demands further study. Can my results regarding the salary losses for mothers and childless women be confirmed by further research? Although I also look at differences such as part-time status, the ages of children, and whether the children are living with the lawyer-parent, what other evidence should be taken into account in future studies?

Perhaps a more intriguing question is why the salary disadvantages against women and in favor of men largely show up through parental status. (Parenting itself still tends to be characterized by massive differences in gender roles, of course. Even if all of the difference in salaries between men and women were mostly about differences in child-rearing, therefore, this would simply relocate the question of how sexism continues to affect women and men differently.) Because this draft is mostly a technical discussion of empirical results, I speculate only briefly on the reasons for the daddy bonus, offering three possibilities: fathers feel the need to work harder to bring home more bread for the family, men wait to become fathers until their salaries are high enough to support a growing family, and (my cynical favorite) fathers shirk childcare responsibilities by hiding in the office and incidentally raising their salaries.

Fortunately, the surveys from which I drew my data are now being superseded by an even larger study of Michigan law graduates, with more detailed questions and more respondents from more graduating classes. This will allow researchers to use “panel data” techniques and other sophisticated methods of searching for statistical relationships.

Because I plan to be one of those researchers, I would be especially interested in readers’ suggestions (either on the Comment board or via email: nbuchanan@law.gwu.edu) regarding both how to improve and refine the regressions and how to explain the results. The best way to analyze empirical issues is to analyze data from as many angles as possible, so I will be very appreciative of any constructive suggestions.

-Neil H. Buchanan

[Cross-posted from Dorf on Law (here) with permission. - ed.]

CFP: Women, Equality and Fiscal Policy: Gender Analysis of Taxes, Spending and Budgets

Thursday, October 16th, 2008

Call for papers for workshop on —

Women, Equality, and Fiscal Policy:

Gender Analysis of Taxes, Spending, and Budgets

  

Context and purpose of the workshop:

The political economy of women is deeply affected by gender differences: women’s incomes are, over their lives, lower than men’s, yet women work longer hours in both paid and unpaid work, and are expected to perform significantly larger shares of caregiving than men.  In contrast, men’s incomes are consistently higher beginning shortly after entering the paid labour force, and women’s demands for equality have not yet resulted in much change in the allocation of underpaid, unpaid, or caregiving work.  Nor is this situation changing for the better: standard gender equality indicators make it clear that women have been losing ground to men on all these issues since the early 2000s.

 

Over the last 25 years, the role that governmental taxation and spending functions play in reproducing women’s gender disadvantages has become increasingly visible.  Examination of core issues, such as the relationship between women, caregiving, and poverty; barriers to women’s empowerment; and the gendered allocation of unpaid and precarious work, have revealed important links between specific tax and expenditure measures and the status of women.  However, as contemporary governments increasingly look for ‘magic tax wands’ to solve economic, social, and political problems, it has become obvious that politically-palatable gender-specific measures such as the Canada Child Tax Benefit or the Universal Child Care Benefit are not adequate to effect any genuine change in the status of women.

 

At the same time, the negative gender impact of recent changes to basic tax structures — changes in the definition of the tax base; moving from the individual to the adult couple as the tax unit; replacing progressive rate structures with flattened rates; and dramatic changes in the overall tax mix — have gone largely ignored even as these changes have exacerbated hidden fiscal barriers to women’s equality.

What is striking is that these dynamics have not gone unchallenged.  Women have repeatedly spelled out the shortcomings of specific tax and benefit provisions, have articulated their needs in detail, and have shared their visions of genuine equality in every available venue.  To date, however, no government in Canada has addressed the fundamental structural biases that are built into existing fiscal instruments.  Indeed, virtually every important fiscal change over the last three decades has intensified gender regressivity, not reversed it.  Fundamental changes such as the enactment of express income splitting and tax subsidies for women’s financial dependency, shifts from progressive income taxation to consumption-based taxation, and dramatic cuts to personal and business tax rates all systemically have bolstered men’s after-tax incomes at the expense of women’s after-tax incomes.

 

This workshop brings together experts in tax law and policy, women’s studies, economics, fiscal sociology, development studies, and political science.  This workshop has two goals:  to further the cross-disciplinary documentation and analysis of the gender impact of fiscal instruments, and to examine the use of gender budgeting tools to eliminate gender-regressive fiscal policies at all levels of government.

 

Call for papers:

This workshop invites experts in gender studies, social and public policy, tax law, economics, accounting, development studies, and political science to address fiscal measures from gender perspectives, and/or to discuss methodological, theoretical, comparative, or empirical approaches that are useful in gender analysis. 

 

Date and location of workshop:

The workshop will be held at Queen’s University Faculty of Law, Kingston, Ont. on Saturday, March 7, 2008, from 9 am to 4 pm.  There will be an informal reception the evening before, and a dinner on the Saturday for those who will be remaining in Kingston on Saturday evening.  Information on accommodation will be provided to those who request it.

 

Submitting paper topics:

If you are interested in presenting a paper at this workshop, please email your paper topic and a short (one paragraph) description to Kathleen Lahey at kal2@post.queensu.ca.  This can be sent any time until approximately Dec. 1, 2008, and your participation will be confirmed within 10 days of receipt of your topic and description.

 

The purpose of this workshop is to bring those whose work concerns gender analysis of tax and spending law together in a working session; therefore all those indicating an interest will be welcome to present.  Attendance without presenting a paper is also welcome.

 

Travel funding:

At this point, only limited seed funding for this workshop has been received. When submitting your topic, please indicate whether you would be able to obtain institutional support to attend, or whether you could attend only if you receive funding from Feminist Legal Studies Queen’s. Special funding to assist students who wish to attend will be sought.